By Christopher Heath Wellman
Delivering an unapologetic protection of the best to secede, Christopher Heath Wellman argues that any crew has an ethical correct to secede so long as its political divorce will go away it and the remaining nation able to practice the considered necessary political services. He explains that there's not anything contradictory approximately valuing valid states, whereas allowing their department. therefore, if one values self-determination, then one has reliable cause to finish that individuals have a correct to figure out their political limitations.
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If either the separatist group or the rump state would be unable or unwilling to protect its constituents’ basic moral rights, then these harmful circumstances explain why the separatist group’s political selfdetermination may permissibly be limited. If both the separatist group and the rump state are capable of maintaining a secure and just political environment, however, then the political divorce would not be excessively harmful, and there is no sufficiently compelling justification for denying political self-determination.
Perhaps Feinberg could relax the causal requirement, but this procrustean move reconciles samaritanism with the harm principle only by distorting the latter’s initial dimensions, not by showing that samaritan cases fit our previous concepts. , p. 176. , pp. 176–177. P1: JZP 0521849152c02 CUNY023B/Wellman 0 521 84915 2 June 8, 2005 The Case for Statism 14:30 25 inaction constitutes a cause. This is because, of inactions, only omissions are causes. And since we know that a samaritan’s inaction is an omission only when we posit that she has a duty to act, we must already know that she is blameworthy before we can make any causal claims, so the causal citation does no work in fixing the blame.
At this point, some are likely to complain that a citizen’s moral relationship to her compatriots is disanalogous to Antonio’s relationship to Bathsheba. A critic might contend that the two are importantly different because (1) citizens have consented to the imposition of their states, (2) there are morally significant allegiances among compatriots, or (3) the limitation of political liberty is covered by the harm principle. As I explained earlier, the consent theory of political legitimacy is doubly flawed, because (1) citizens almost never consent to their governments and (2) any act even resembling that which implies consent (such as voting) is a moral nullity because it is performed under coercion (the voter in a political election will be – and has been – subject to the state’s laws no matter how, or if, she votes).
A Theory of Secession by Christopher Heath Wellman