By J. Eric Thompson, George E. Stuart
A Catalog of Maya Hieroglyphs (Civilization of the yankee Indian)
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Na qʰaxaweynat qʰa-x-awey-na-t 2PL-NEG-mad-NEG-ASP ‘You are not mad’ (a-stem) 9c. ya + NEG = yaxa. at-NEG-ASP ‘We are not looking at him’ 9d. . wa + NEG = . waxa-. ’ 9e. čʰo + NEG = čʰoxo-. ’ (i-stem) 9f. ne + NEG = nexe-. ’ (u-stem) (metathesis: -na -> -an) The last example also illustrates metathesis in the second part of the circumfix. After consonants –na becomes –an. The negative -k’una does not show many alternations. It has two allomorphs: -k’una and -ˀna. 7). 10. V_________ ˀaˀa-ˀna-tinta ˀaˀa-ˀna-tinta meat-NEG-ASP ‘It isn’t meat’ But also: V________.
The glottalized stop /p’/ occurs only before back vowels in onsets, and the glottalized /t’/ is rare overall. All but aspirated and glottalized phonemes occur as codas. Typologically, glottalized consonants are seldom part of codas. One exception to this is /q’/ which occurs in some codas in Chimariko. However, the data are limited. The retroflex apical /ṭ/ and the plain affricate /č/ are not attested word-finally and only in a few examples syllable-finally. The glottal fricative /h/ is rare word-finally.
4. In the first person singular patient forms and the second person plural agent forms the stem-initial front vowels are backed, hence e -> o and i -> u. This is illustrated in the following phonological rule: [-back] -> [+back] / qʰ, čʰ_______ . Some deviations from the forms in Table 4 are found in the data, as the following example shows. 1. Indian-DEF 3-kill-DER-ASP ‘The boy told it, they killed the boy, the people, the Indians killed him’ In example 1, the stem-initial vowel /e/ surfaces with the third person marker hrather than /i/ as expected with i-stem verbs.
A Catalog of Maya Hieroglyphs by J. Eric Thompson, George E. Stuart